The Sideways episode 'Broody Men' recently explored men's desire for parenthood, centering on the emotionally resonant narrative of a 'miracle baby' while largely avoiding the wider bioethical issues surrounding assisted reproductive technologies (ART), surrogacy, and bio-capitalism. In their BioNews review, Davy Tennison highlighted the programme's focus on the 'less socially accepted notion that men often long to be parents just as much as women do,' while also noting the omission of key ethical considerations (see BioNews 1334).
I was a contributor to the programme (unpaid) because of my personal circumstances – I am circumstantially childless – and my auto/biographical Masters and doctoral research. I was pleased that it highlighted my research, which found that the figures for childless men are less accurate than those for childless women because, in the UK and many other countries, a father's fertility history is not recorded at birth registration in the same way as a mother's. Nonetheless, in Europe, one in four men and one in five women are childless, and in the UK, a cohort study found that 25.4 percent of men and 19 percent of women had no biological children.
As Tennison noted, most social perceptions of reproduction centre on women. Traditional ideals of masculinity position men as invulnerable, strong, and virile, with fatherhood as a highly prized status. Notably, feminist research into couples' experiences of ART has highlighted the paucity of data on men's experiences. Medical anthropologist Professor Marcia Inhorn has argued that reproductive scholarship has often treated men as the 'second sex', based on untested assumptions that they are not invested in reproductive intentions or outcomes. Political scientist Professor Cynthia Daniels similarly highlights how social structures positioned men as less central to reproduction and largely invulnerable to reproductive harm.
The importance of fatherhood to men's identity, health and wellbeing was acknowledged in the UK government's Men's Health Strategy for England: 'Fatherhood sits at the intersection of health, employment, and family policy. It is another critical life stage and an important part of our family networks, which are shaped by societal norms and expectations. While recognising that not all men are or will become fathers, fatherhood is both a critical transition point where many men may require additional health and wellbeing support, and an opportunity to engage men in their own health.'
What, then, of the significant sub-population of men who do not experience this 'critical life stage'? My research suggests that male 'broodiness' is a complex existential phenomenon shaped by both personal and social factors. A common myth is that 'women are broody and men aren't bothered.' However, childless men in my studies reported a similar level of desire for parenthood as childless women and, across several indicators, showed comparable emotional responses, including higher levels of depression and anger.
Strikingly, many of the men I interviewed described their childlessness as 'something missing'. It is a poignant phrase because it captures not only the absence of children themselves, but also a wider emotional, relational and social absence across the life course. Men spoke about missing imagined futures, including grandfatherhood, as well as everyday forms of social connection and belonging – from conversations with friends, colleagues and strangers to access to valued social narratives, identities and statuses associated with fatherhood.
Men described a biosocial dimension to this desire, including what they experienced as a biological drive to reproduce, sometimes expressed as a physical 'yearning' for children. This was often linked to a desire to give love and affection, to experience a parent-child bond and to achieve genetic continuity, as well as the belief that children complete a relationship or family. Early attachment experiences were also relevant, with anxious attachment patterns associated with later childlessness. The timing of relationships – their formation or breakdown – was often a key trigger in whether fatherhood was realised.
Age and life stage were also central. Interest in fatherhood typically peaked in the 30s, shaped by awareness of what might be called the 'biosocial clock', including social expectations about the appropriate age for parenthood, a partner's age, and men's own health and capacity for active parenting. Later-life childlessness can also have implications for identity and care, including the absence of grandparent roles and reduced access to familial care networks in later life.
Socioculturally, parenthood is often treated as a 'master status' that provides adult identity, a sense of normalcy and enhances social standing. Traditional masculine ideals – invincibility, provider/protector roles, strength, and virility – intersect with strong cultural expectations around fatherhood, which carries status, recognition and social meaning. Accordingly, like women, men feel significant pressure from family, friends, and often religion.
Economic factors also play a significant role. Financial stability, career progression, and employment status play a significant role in the decision to start a family. Consequently, class and education levels are linked to reproductive outcomes, particularly in the context of economic precarity and unequal access to fertility treatment.
Taken together, these socio-cultural narratives surrounding male fertility can obscure the reality of men's reproductive vulnerability: a form of symbolic erasure in how fertility is understood. Challenging these simplistic notions of male reproduction by recognising men's experiences – the hue(s) of man – offers a more accurate and inclusive account of reproduction.
There remains an ambivalent recognition of men's childlessness in policy, including the Men's Health Strategy, where non-fathers are largely absent. My work has limitations: it is primarily qualitative and based on relatively small samples, reflecting the difficulty of reaching involuntarily childless men, and often relies on self-selected participants.
However, there is a critical difference between acknowledging scholarly limitations and the absence of evidence in policy. Even with these constraints, the available data on men's reproductive lives and life course trajectories provide a meaningful basis for public health and social policy.
Dr Robin Hadley's book 'How is a Man Supposed to be a Man? Male Childlessness – a Life Course Disrupted' is available from Berghahn Books, which is currently offering a discount to BioNews readers until 12 July 2026. The discount codes are: HAD25 for 25 percent off the ebook and paperback editions, and HAD35 for 35 percent off the hardback edition. Further details are available here.

